She just went, 'Dad I want to do this' and I'm like, 'Really? She wanted to be a make-up artist and found her love in that. He said: "She kind of looked like she was worried about it but the wife says, 'No, no, she didn't like the attention he was getting cos you was her dad'. But she's gone in there, she's holding her own and we've got to support her. Tamer added that while he is "very proud" of his daughter - he admitted but that he sometimes watched the ITV2 show through his fingers.
He added: "It's a game show, reality TV, we have to respect it and love it. It is what it is, we've got to move with the times. She is a woman and do you know what? She's liberating women. A spokesperson for Love Island told the Manchester Evening News: "The opinions the Islanders have, decisions they make and the relationships formed are completely within the control of the Islanders themselves.
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Nostalgia The derelict white building hiding a very raucous past It was a hugely popular place for raves. The Bin Laden home reflects their fortune and influence, a large spiral staircase at its centre leading to cavernous rooms.
Ramadan has come and gone, and the bowls of dates and chocolates that mark the three-day festival that follows it sit on tabletops throughout the house. For years, Ghanem has refused to talk about Osama, as has his wider family — throughout his two-decade reign as al-Qaida leader, a period that saw the strikes on New York and Washington DC , and ended more than nine years later with his death in Pakistan.
Fifteen of the 19 hijackers came from Saudi Arabia. But after several days of discussion, they are willing to talk. When we meet on a hot day in early June, a minder from the Saudi government sits in the room, though she makes no attempt to influence the conversation. We are also joined by a translator. He became a strong, driven, pious figure in his early 20s, she says, while studying economics at King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah, where he was also radicalised.
You can call it a cult. They got money for their cause. I would always tell him to stay away from them, and he would never admit to me what he was doing, because he loved me so much. In the early s, Osama travelled to Afghanistan to fight the Russian occupation. Even the Saudi government would treat him in a very noble, respectful way. And then came Osama the mujahid.
A long uncomfortable silence follows, as Hassan struggles to explain the transformation from zealot to global jihadist. He reached superstardom on a global stage, and it was all for nothing. Very good at school. He really liked to study.
He spent all his money on Afghanistan — he would sneak off under the guise of family business. I did not want any of this to happen. Why would he throw it all away like that? The family say they last saw Osama in Afghanistan in , a year in which they visited him twice at his base just outside Kandahar.
He was showing us around every day we were there. He killed an animal and we had a feast, and he invited everyone. Ghanem begins to relax, and talks about her childhood in the coastal Syrian city of Latakia, where she grew up in a family of Alawites, an offshoot of Shia Islam. Syrian cuisine is superior to Saudi, she says, and so is the weather by the Mediterranean, where the warm, wet summer air was a stark contrast to the acetylene heat of Jeddah in June.
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Ghanem moved to Saudi Arabia in the mids, and Osama was born in Riyadh in She divorced his father three years later, and married al-Attas, then an administrator in the fledgling Bin Laden empire, in the early s. Instead, she blames those around him.
She only knows the good boy side, the side we all saw. She never got to know the jihadist side. We knew from the beginning [that it was Osama], within the first 48 hours. From the youngest to the eldest, we all felt ashamed of him. We knew all of us were going to face horrible consequences. Our family abroad all came back to Saudi.
They tried as much as they could to maintain control over the family. Nearly two decades on, the Bin Ladens can move relatively freely within and outside the kingdom. In , Abdul Wahhab had made a pact with the then ruler Mohammed bin Saud, allowing his family to run affairs of state while hardline clerics defined the national character. The modern day kingdom, proclaimed in , left both sides — the clerics and the rulers — too powerful to take the other on, locking the state and its citizens into a society defined by arch-conservative views: the strict segregation of non-related men and women; uncompromising gender roles; an intolerance of other faiths; and an unfailing adherence to doctrinal teachings, all rubber-stamped by the House of Saud.
Many believe this alliance directly contributed to the rise of global terrorism. This he sees as essential to the survival of a state where a large, restless and often disaffected young population has, for nearly four decades, had little access to entertainment, a social life or individual freedoms.
There have been changes to the labour markets and a bloated public sector; cinemas have opened, and an anti-corruption drive launched across the private sector and some quarters of government. The government also claims to have stopped all funding to Wahhabi institutions outside the kingdom, which had been supported with missionary zeal for nearly four decades.
Contradictions abound: some officials and institutions eschew conservatism, while others wholeheartedly embrace it.
Meanwhile, political freedoms remain off-limits; power has become more centralised and dissent is routinely crushed. An erudite man now in his mids, Turki wears green cufflinks bearing the Saudi flag on the sleeves of his thobe.